Côte-D'Ivoire: Descending Back into Civil War?

By Christine Wadsworth, 1L

As protests have spread across the Arab world, international attention has shifted away from the on-going post-electoral violence in Côte d’Ivoire. Côte d’Ivoire held its first presidential election in a decade on Nov. 28, 2010. International observers, the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), European Union (EU), and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) recognized opposition leader Alassane Ouattara as the winner of the election. Electoral Commission results gave Ouattara 54% of the vote and incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo 46%. However, the Constitutional Council, run by an ally of Gbagbo, scrapped hundreds of thousands of votes from Ouattara strong-holds in the north of Côte d’Ivoire, allowing Gbagbo to declare himself the winner. Months after the election, Gbagbo still refuses to hand over power to Ouattara.

This crisis threatens to reignite tensions in a country that is already fragmented along ethnic, religious, and political lines. The recent history of Côte d’Ivoire provides important context to the current political turmoil. Côte d’Ivoire is the world’s largest cocoa producer and, post-independence, it enjoyed prosperity and political stability unmatched in neighbouring countries. The higher standard of living available in Côte d’Ivoire brought an influx of immigrants, many of whom shared ethnic and religious ties with people from northern Côte d’Ivoire, who are predominantly Muslim. This influx led to xenophobia and discrimination against northerners supported by claims that northerners were not true Ivorians. Northerners claimed they were refused national identity cards and the right to vote. Ouattara was banned from running for President in previous elections because his father hails from Burkina Faso.

In 2002, a segment of northern soldiers mu- tinied, marched on the commercial capital, Abidjan, and gained control of most of northern Côte d’Ivoire. The civil war that ensued split the country between the rebel-controlled north and the government-controlled south. During the civil war and its aftermath there were violations of international humanitarian law by security forces loyal to Gbagbo and by the New Forces rebels situated in the north. These abuses included summary executions, torture, the recruitment of child soldiers, and attacks on the UN. There has been virtually no accountability for these crimes. A power-sharing government took over in 2007, but the provision of citizen identification cards, voter registration, and the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of northern forces proved problematic.

The political standoff between Gbagbo and Ouattara, who hails from northern Côte d’Ivoire, threatens to reignite these tensions. Since the November election, there have been increasing clashes between Gbagbo's government forces and Ouattara supporters, which include New Forces fighters. Ouattara and his alternative government have established a headquarters in the Golf Hotel in Abidjan. Gbagbo’s forces have blockaded the hotel, but 800 UN troops are securing the hotel in an attempt to protect Ouattara.

Conditions have rapidly deteriorated since the election with increasing violence and human rights abuses. UN peacekeepers say they are unable to provide security for all civilians. A Human Rights Watch report in late January documented a campaign of violence by Gbagbo’s security forces against members of Ouattara’s coalition, ethnic groups from northern CÙte d’Ivoire, Muslims, and immigrants from neighbouring countries. There has been heavy fighting between Gbagbo’s forces and fighters believed to be linked to the New Forces in the Abidjan neighbourhood of Abobo. The UNHCR reports 200,000 people are displaced within Abidjan alone.

Gbagbo’s forces seem to be using increasing levels of violence against the opposition, including largely peaceful protestors. Troops loyal to Gbagbo killed at least seven women during an all-female demonstration in Abobo on March 3 calling for him to surrender power. There are reports of Gbagbo’s forces abducting wounded protestors from a hospital in Abobo. Water and electricity have been cut off to areas that support Ouattara. On the other side, there have been reports of the killing of members of Gbago’s security forces in pro-Ouattara sections of Abidjan.

There have also been reports of violence in Côte d’Ivoire’s western regions along the border with Liberia. Human Rights Watch has documented the recruitment and deployment of Liberian mercenaries by Gbagbo’s forces and thousands of Ivoirian refugees have fled into Liberia, meaning this conflict has the potential to destabilize other countries in the region.

There has been strong international condemnation of Gbagbo’s refusal to hand over power. Approximately 10,000 UN peacekeepers remain in the country and former colonial power, France, still maintains a military base there. ECOWAS suspended Côte d’Ivoire’s membership, tried to mediate, and threatened to intervene if Gbagbo refuses to step down. The AU suspended Côte d’Ivoire’s membership for undemocratic behaviour. The AU’s Peace and Security Council originally granted the presidents of Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, South Africa, and Tanzania a month to attempt resolution, but that time frame has been extended until the end of March. 

On March 4, 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton condemned Gbagbo’s acts of violence. Clinton said Gbagbo and his security forces “have shown a callous disregard for human life and the rule of law, preying on the unarmed and innocent”. Clinton said that Gbagbo should step down immediately.

Despite nearly universal condemnation, Gbagbo seems committed to retaining con- trol of the presidency. Gbagbo has rejected amnesty offers and Ouattara refuses to entertain suggestions of power-sharing arrangements. Gbagbo’s ability to maintain power will depend on his access to finances and the continued support of the military. Ouattara’s government spokesman, Patrick Achi, has noted the importance of controlling the economy to force Gbagbo to step down. Achi stated, “The heart of power is in finance so this is one of the ways we hope to use to gain control.” The West African Bank has blocked Gbagbo’s access to Côte d’Ivoire’s funds and World Bank president Robert Zoellick asked the West African bloc to freeze loans to Côte d’Ivoire. If Gbagbo is unable to pay the military, his hired mercenaries, or his political supporters, Ouattara could gain the additional support he needs to claim his rightful place as the democratically elected leader of Côte d’Ivoire. How this crisis is handled will set an important precedent for African democracy.